The municipal elections, postponed three times since 2022, will be held starting May 4, Interior Minister Ahmad Hajjar announced on Tuesday.
Interior Minister Ahmad Hajjar announced on Tuesday that municipal elections will begin on Sunday, May 4. Spread over four weekends, they will conclude on Sunday, May 25 – the anniversary of Israel’s withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000.
Typically held every six years, the elections have been postponed three times since 2022 under various pretexts. The last municipal elections were held in 2016.
In 2022, they were delayed by a year, officially due to logistical difficulties and their overlap with that year’s parliamentary elections. In 2023, budgetary constraints were cited, though political considerations were the real reason behind the postponement.
In April 2024, Parliament approved a third postponement, extending the mandates of municipal councils and mukhtars until May 2025, citing “complex security, military and political circumstances” tied to Israel’s war against Hezbollah. The move drew strong objections from MPs opposed to Hezbollah.
The Importance of Municipal Elections
In Lebanon, municipalities are essential to managing local affairs. Their responsibilities range from maintaining roads and managing public infrastructure such as schools and hospitals to overseeing waste collection and implementing social protection services. The effective operation of municipal councils is crucial for strengthening local governance and improving citizens’ quality of life. Municipal councils also often serve as an indicator of current political trends, reflecting to some extent both local and national dynamics.
Elected through universal suffrage for a six-year term, municipal council members are not bound by sectarian quotas, unlike MPs. Lebanon currently has 1,059 municipalities. However, hundreds are either dissolved or ineffective due to the resignation or death of some members or for other reasons.
In an interview with This is Beirut, Michel Salamé Saad, the mayor of Remhala in the Aley district, explained that the management of municipalities varies depending on their location once a municipality is dissolved. “Villages within the jurisdiction of the governorate are placed under the authority of the mohafez (governor). For instance, if the municipalities of Baabda and Hadath are dissolved, their administration is transferred to the governor. However, for more remote areas, such as those in the Aley district, the dissolution of municipalities results in their administration being taken over by the caïmacam (prefect),” Saad stated.
However, the capacity of caïmacams to ensure effective local governance is limited, particularly as some regions report a troubling number of dissolved municipalities. Saad highlighted that “in the Aley district, several municipalities, including Sofar, Dfoun, Aramoun and Deir Qoubel, are among those dissolved. In total, 15 municipalities in this district are currently non-operational, the majority due to resignations, which is unfair to the residents.”
Family Rivalries or Political Struggles?
Unlike parliamentary elections, which are dominated by power dynamics between political parties and forces, municipal elections are often structured around familial and local dynamics. Apart from major cities like Beirut, Tripoli, or certain urban areas where the influence of political parties is more pronounced, municipal voting largely hinges on clan alliances and rivalries between influential families. While party affiliations are not entirely absent, they sometimes take a backseat, overshadowed by considerations of local ties and the services provided to residents.
In an interview with This is Beirut, Elias Hankach, MP for Metn (Kataëb), commented, “Ultimately, everything boils down to politics” in a country like Lebanon, particularly as the political landscape is undergoing significant changes. However, for political parties, the challenge lies in managing familial rivalries, “especially since municipal elections offer a glimpse of what’s to come in the parliamentary elections,” he added.
Political parties remain engaged in municipal elections, viewing them as a strategic matter. “As MPs, we are responsible for the regions and villages that entrusted us with their votes in the parliamentary elections. We cannot allow the management of municipalities to contradict our struggles and political vision for the new Lebanon,” Hankach stressed. He pointed to the union of municipalities in Metn, where change is essential to ensure effective local governance after thirty years of stagnation.
Charles Jabbour, the communications director for the Lebanese Forces (LF), pointed out that it is primarily the Hezbollah-Amal duo that has shown reluctance to organize municipal elections. He argued that “such an election could spark local tensions between families aligned with the two parties in regions where they hold significant influence, which would be difficult to control.” He added that “holding the elections would highlight the presence of a Shiite faction opposed to the influence of this duo.” “In a post-conflict context, marked by war and destruction, Amal and Hezbollah fear the consequences of this election, especially since Hezbollah has not achieved the objectives of its war with Israel,” he added.
Jabbour emphasized, “All political forces must clarify their position: either they take responsibility for the delay or commit to respecting the deadlines.” “For us (LF), the municipal elections are crucial. We are actively preparing for this election, particularly as it aligns with a broader vision for administrative decentralization, a project we are committed to advancing,” he concluded.
What About Southern Lebanon?
The situation in southern Lebanon, where many villages were destroyed following the war between Hezbollah and Israel, presents a significant logistical and political challenge for the new government. Solutions, such as the establishment of alternative voting centers (megacenters), are considered the most likely option.
Ahmad Hajjar confirmed that his Ministry will take all necessary measures to ensure the participation of all citizens in the election, including those in destroyed and occupied areas. Ultimately, “a new mandate cannot take off without adhering to constitutional deadlines,” commented Hankach. This view is also shared by Jabbour. “The election is a crucial test for the new government. It wants to demonstrate that Lebanon is entering a new phase where constitutional deadlines will be respected,” he emphasized.
“There is no clear plan at the moment, as this matter is a political decision that needs to be made by the minister of the Interior, the president of the Republic, the prime minister and the government. It’s only a matter of days before the election date is officially announced,” Hankach noted.
For his part, Jabbour stressed, “There is no longer any justification for a delay. Today, neither the financial crisis nor war can be used as an excuse.”
Given the challenging situation in southern Lebanon, one key question arises: how will the Hezbollah-Amal duo manage the elections? Will they agree to organizing voting centers outside the areas under their influence, or will they push for a delay in those regions?
It is important to recall that last year, House Speaker Nabih Berri, also the leader of the Amal Movement along with Hezbollah, rejected a proposal to hold municipal elections on a national scale, excluding villages affected by the war.
However, Jabbour stressed that holding elections in the destroyed villages, even if voting occurs elsewhere, is crucial for managing the rebuilding process. “The new municipal councils will be responsible for overseeing and ensuring a structured and sustainable rebuilding plan,” he explained.
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